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Which Way Western Man?

William Gayley Simpson


©1978 by William Gayley Simpson. Copyright renewed 2006 by the estate of William and Harriet Simpson. All rights reserved.


Chapter 19
Part B

Part A Index Part C


B. The Negro in Our Midst


If the Negro is not removed from the United States, the future American will be a mongrel, such as the peoples of Egypt, India, and certain of the Latin American countries . . .

When two races come into contact, one will expel the other from the commonly occupied or desired territory, or the races will adjust their differences through a process of inter-race breeding, creating a mongrel race differing from the parent races but with a tendency to eliminate the specialized characters of the parent races.

This result follows from the expression of biological laws and cannot be altered by educational program, legislative decree, or any amount of philanthropic interest. The characters of the higher race will tend to be obliterated in the mongrels.

Earnest Sevier Cox—White America


Our most obvious, glaring, and inescapable racial problem consists in the 22 million Negroes in out midst. Since they are human beings, perhaps in most cases with sensibilities like unto our own, I want to see it handled not only with all possible understanding and patience, but also with generosity. Let us begin, therefore, by honestly studying the welfare of the Negro people.

The Negroes’ Side of the Problem

I realize full well that, after a fashion, they have rooted themselves in our land and in American society, but I believe it to be undeniable fact, which remains fact no matter how much anyone may regret it, that there can be no satisfying future for our Negroes in our midst. For in our midst, in the first place, they will never feel that freedom to relax and be themselves which is so essential to all self-realization. Moreover, here, as long as they are assumed to be on a plane of equal capability with us, they are brought into a direct competition with White men in which, in the White man’s technological society, it is utterly impossible for them to hold their own. This is true on all levels and in all categories, but of course it hits hardest those who have no White blood in them. They are being pushed into our colleges, and even into our professional schools, and given degrees, but the whole wretched business is made possible only by lowering the requirements and standards for Negroes, almost to the point of abolishing them. And the Negroes must know it, and know too what it means.

This inferiority is first brought home to them in our integrated public schools, and it virtually condemns them to a permanently inferior position. “The result is that the majority of them are . . . psychologically injured in a very serious manner. In fact, the racial hate welling up from the Negroes who are victims of this integration policy is evidence of the great damage which is being done.” 26 What this means is that those who put ambitions into the heads of Negroes, which they are inherently incapable of measuring up to, are inflicting a monstrous cruelty upon them.27 That Negroes feel this acutely is evidenced by the fact that millions of them, as I shall presently relate, have repeatedly sought an opportunity to escape from the frustration, humiliation, and pain of it all.

We must conclude, therefore, that there is no place for the Negro in our society—no place that, in the long run, can prove satisfying or desirable even to him.28

The Side of the Whites

And as far as we White people are concerned, the Negro presence in our midst must ever-increasingly prove a torment, a crushing burden, and a most fearsome peril. I know that our people are naturally lenient and indulgent. But they can get their backs up, too, and the way things are going, it is possible they will do so soon. When they discover that the more the Negro is “given opportunity,” and excused and pampered and favored even above Whites, the more he runs amok, ruins neighborhoods where White men have made their homes, corrupts their children on school buses, drags down our entire system of education, ambushes and murders our police, and plans to use the tactics of guerilla warfare that he learned in Vietnam to bring down our whole social order—at this our White people’s patience may wear thin, and they may balk against footing the bill.

But I won’t dwell upon this further, for the simple reason that to do so would, I fear, be a waste of time. The fact is that the United States long ago passed out of the control of its citizens. Our fate now is almost entirely in the hands of alien masters. And however much the presence of the Negro may come to gall us, however much we may balk at carrying taxes piled ever higher to meet the costs of Negro backwardness, shiftlessness, illegitimacy and crime, and however much our alarm may mount as we learn of his determination to stab us in the back, perhaps in an hour of mortal crisis, I must remind my readers that masters have always been ready to resort to sterner means when milder ones failed. Have we not seen, at Little Rock, at Oxford, Mississippi,29 and at many other places, what “our own” soldiers, under the orders of our alien masters, can do with guns and bayonets? Our Negroes, from the beginning, have been deliberately incited, trained, organized and financed in order to serve as the battering ram to level the walls of our society, and, after the revolution has been accomplished, to beat all remaining opposition into a pulp. And having already got so far toward accomplishing what all along has been their aim, it is hardly likely that our masters are going to relieve their pressure upon us because we find it painful.

Let us therefore dismiss all such considerations and get on to what after all is the crux of the matter.

Mongrelization the Inevitable Result of Close Association

The crux of the problem is that if Blacks and Whites go on living side by side, it can be only a matter of time until the White race is virtually swallowed up in the Black through miscegenation.

I will not labor the point by adding substantially to the evidence in support of my position that I submitted in my last chapter. In the long run, segregation has never, anywhere, sufficed to prevent amalgamation—not even in India, where the Hindus went so far as to impose the death penalty on those who allowed their sexual relations to cross the color line. It has obviously failed in our South. Regardless of how sexual relations were induced, they have come about so largely that today competent geneticists estimate our Negro population, taken as a whole, to be one-quarter White. And now the obstacles set up by segregation have been swept aside, and “the law of the land” actually works for integration. Indeed, moral respectability, propaganda, and the massed powers of Government, both State and Federal, are being mobilized to jam integration through. The aim is to have the Negro accepted into our White man’s society as if race were nothing, as if racial differences were non-existent, as if the Negro were in fact simply a White man with a dark skin. Completely ignored is the fact that by three-quarters of his genes the average Negro, and the pure-blooded Negro by all his genes, still carries the same factors that only two or three hundred years ago made his direct ancestors unable to rise above the black abysses and stark horrors of plain savagery.

And the drive for integration is working exceedingly fast. The National Council of Churches has openly given intermarriage its full sanction. Norman Podhoretz, one of Jewry’s leading intellectuals, editor of Commentary, one of its most influential journals, has given it as his conclusion that amalgamation, miscegenation, is the only solution of our Negro problem, and the best one.30 And Senior judge William H. Hastie of the U.S. Court of Appeals has said:

“During the last 25 years, we have succeeded in outlawing the entire complex of legal requirements and prohibitions which imposed racial discrimination in almost every aspect of community life: in the armed services, in voting, in public education, in travel, in access to places of public accommodation, in access to housing . . . The elimination of black ghettos during the next 25 years should be no more difficult than the elimination of racial laws during the last 25 years, if enough people work diligently and purposefully to that end.” 31

The full significance of this prediction can be appreciated only by those who realize that it is confirmed by the most powerful voices and forces in the nation. Nothing is now left to prevent the establishment of the Negro in our midst as one of our own except the White man’s instinct, his race “prejudice,” his “racism”—and for decades every effort has been concentrated on expunging this from his consciousness as something false, benighted, and shameful. Moreover, as yet there is little evidence that these “spiritual” forces of the White man are going to stand up under the relentless pressure. Bit by bit, the White majority, even the Nordic majority, are being eased, argued, tricked, cowed, and shamed into accepting integration—the acceptance of the Negro into our society as if he were, or could eventually become, our equal, and equal to taking his full part in our White society.

White men have become so used to living with such a prospect, though completely unaware of the developments that would inevitably lie beyond it, that I feel compelled to warn my readers, once again, of the fearful disaster and tragedy that it must lead to. There is scientific testimony of the highest order that “large-scale miscegenation between Caucasians and Negroes spells genetic catastrophe.” It would mean the destruction by one-half of that leadership class without which no high civilization can survive.32

We need, therefore, to pause to look where we are going, and to weigh carefully, as responsible citizens, whether where we are headed is where we want to go. As it happens, history provides us with an extremely vivid and instructive object lesson, not from the remote past but from almost under our noses. In the history of modern Portugal, with which our country has been running a close parallel, we can see with our own eyes what integration must soon bring us to in the United States. Let me review Portugal’s record, taken largely from the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition.

The Lesson of Portugal

Racially the Portuguese had much the same background as Spain. But from rather obscure beginnings she “rose in four centuries to be the greatest maritime, commercial and colonial power in Europe.” 33 She carried on the work of exploration of the Middle Ages, and by about 1550 had risen to a position similar to that of the U.S. today. She was the wealthiest and most powerful country in the world. She had a large empire and colonies in Asia, Africa, and America. By 1500, she had penetrated as far as Greenland. Her people were a race of highly civilized, intelligent and daring men. “This influx of wealth furnished the economic basis for a sudden development of literary and artistic activity. . . The 16th century was the golden age of Portuguese literature. . . palaces, fortresses, cathedrals, monasteries were built on a scale never before attempted in Portugal. . . Oriental splendour and Renaissance culture combined to render social life in Lisbon hardly less brilliant than in Rome or Venice.” 34

But at the same time, in contrast with England, Scotland, Ireland, and the countries of Europe generally, Portugal had a large and rapidly growing Negro population. And its White population was being drained by emigration to the colonies in America, Africa and Asia, and in all likelihood, by a lower birthrate as well. Portugal began to import Negro slaves in 1441, and continued at such a rate that by 1550 one-tenth of its people were Blacks. (Let it be remembered that the Negro population in the U.S. today counts up to 11 percent of our total.)

At the same time, as is rapidly coming to be the case with us too, there was no law and no taboo against sexual relations with the Negro. In consequence, it was not long until the Negro blood was so thoroughly absorbed by the White population that it virtually disappeared. The New York Times Encyclopedic Almanac for 1971 states that “the present population [of Portugal] is one of the most homogeneous in Europe, with no national minorities.” Mr. Ray Irving Peterson, in an article entitled “The Negroes’ Gift to Portugal,” published by the National Youth Alliance in 1972, says:

“What you can see in Portugal today is the product of a uniform nonselective mixing of 10% negroes and 90% whites into one homogeneous whole. In effect it is a new race—a race that has stagnated in apathy and produced virtually nothing in the past 400 years. The Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th ed., 1911, in its article on Portugal states: ‘The Portuguese intermarried freely with their slaves, and this infusion of alien blood profoundly modified the character and physique of the nation. It may be said without exaggeration that the Portuguese of the “age of discoveries” and the Portuguese of the 17th and later centuries were two different races.’ (Emphasis added)

“The contribution of this new race to civilization in terms of literature, art, music, philosophy, science, etc., has been practically zero. Portugal today is the most backward country in Europe. 32% of the people are illiterate. . . The infant mortality rate in Portugal is 59.2 per 1,000 births [as against 20.7 in the U.S., 12.9 in Sweden, and 28 in the Soviet Union]. The workers’ wages are the lowest in Western Europe. . .

“Portugal is a forgotten land—bypassed by tourists and shunned by scholars. It is a sad country, known mainly for its plaintive . . . nostalgic music that looks to the past and sees no future.” 35

Doubtless there were other causes that contributed to Portugal’s downfall, but there was one that seems obvious and was outstanding: her people mixed their genes with those of Negroes. And as Carleton Putnam has justly observed: “There has been no case in history where whites and blacks have integrated without destruction of the white civilization.” 36 Or as Earnest Sevier Cox put it: “Sixty centuries of race history have proved that the white man has at no time or place remained white when in prolonged contact with colored races.” 37

Thus it is suddenly brought home to us where we White men of the West really stand. To a foreign-born Jew such as Norman Podhoretz, whose primary loyalty may be to Israel and the fulfillment of a dream that will make Jews the masters of the world, integration may naturally enough seem “the best” and in any case “the only” solution of our Negro problem. Likewise the washed-out “Liberal,” who has no roots anywhere, and to whom therefore it is a matter of indifference what becomes of his own race so long as some collection of human beings survive to carry on “culture,” is quite ready to settle for any resolution of our Negro problem that will most certainly save him from unpleasantness and strenuous exertion. But for every White man who truly and deeply loves his country and his kind, who feels that racial integration has pulled the very earth out from under him, amalgamation is no solution at all. It is and can be nothing but a sentence of death. But is there any solution? And if so, what is it?

The Only Real Solution

I have studied and weighed this question very carefully for many years. And it is my considered judgment that the only course in which we can find any real solution is the return of the Negro to Africa.38 Every other road, as we have seen, must lead ultimately to amalgamation, and amalgamation would mean our death, whether as a nation or as a race. It must be the only solution also for any other country of Nordic men, such as England, which now has a sizable Negro problem on its hands, and likewise for Germany, Australia, New Zealand, and even South Africa and Rhodesia.

Moreover, any objective study of the problem must reveal that if the repatriation of the Negro could be accomplished (of course, in as humane a way as possible), it would indeed be the best for all concerned.

For the Negro it would mean his removal from a competition with Whites in which, whether it be in school or on the job, he must constantly be defeated and humiliated, and thus permanently embittered. Only when he is back in the habitat to which he was adapted by thousands of years of natural selection, can he come fully into his own and be in a position to show what he has in him.

And for the Whites, the removal of the Negro would mean relief from a burden of taxation that is becoming more and more insufferable, and also from the deterioration of our entire society and the menace to our very existence that results from having 22 million more or less disaffected Negroes in our midst.

The Back-to-Africa idea is nothing new. It was implicit in Jefferson’s declaration that “the two races [Whites and Negroes], equally free, cannot live in the same government,” and in Lincoln’s pronouncement in 1858 “that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.” 39

From this Lincoln went on to an espousal of Negro repatriation, or colonization. In his view, if the United States was to remain White the Negro must be altogether removed from our soil.40 Even while the Civil War was still raging he conceived a plan for colonization and proposed an amendment to the Federal Constitution that would have authorized Congress to carry it out. In fact, on August 15, 1862, Congress did appropriate over half a million dollars for colonizing freed slaves, and some thousands of Negroes had actually been repatriated when he was shot.

Nor were Lincoln and Jefferson alone in their idea. Earnest Sevier Cox, that great and very dedicated student of the Negro problem, who probed it with so much understanding and sympathy and yet so deeply, and faced it so unflinchingly, records that many other great Americans, both before and after the Civil War, shared their conviction that the Negro must be completely removed from American soil—notably, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Clay, Webster, Douglas and Grant.41

Even outstanding Negroes have undertaken to launch a movement for the return of their people to Africa. The most famous of these was Marcus Garvey, “destined to be the greatest advocate of race progress, race integrity, and race nationality, that the Negro race has produced.” 42 “His efforts to revive Abraham Lincoln’s Back-to-Africa program left such a deep impression in Congress that the program is better known [there] than among the general public.” 43 To facilitate the return of Negroes to Africa he organized the Black Star steamship line. His Universal Negro Improvement Association is said to have enrolled more than six million members.44 And to this day Garvey “remains the patron saint of Black nationalism.” 45

Even as recently as July 17, 1956, I had a letter from Mr. Benjamin Gibbons, President of the Universal African Nationalist Movement, in which he said:

“It is a fact, there were 2,000,000 Americans of African stock signed a petition in 1938 requesting the Federal government to aid them to go to Africa (the Republic of Liberia, West Africa) to live. The record of those signatures is on file in Washington, D.C. right now. . .

“Another fact is that at this very time there are more than two million African-Americans in this country who want to go to Africa to live . . . our expressed wishes to go to live in Liberia are motivated by the urge to do something to help ourselves, economically and socially. . .”

Unfortunately the American general public got little wind of this. Those who control the mass media have seen to that. And it must be allowed that the N.A.A.C.P. opposed the movement. Mr. Gibbons, however, in his letter, went on to explain this: the N.A.A.C.P. has always been controlled by Jews.46 And it is used by them as an instrument for the furtherance of their basic policy. They are not in the least concerned with any betterment of the Negro’s future that might result from his return to Africa. They value him only for the part he can play in tearing the U.S. to pieces, and in doing the dirty work of the mass terror when the day for revolution arrives.

But even when allowance has been made for all this, it is certain that today the very suggestion of returning the Negro to Africa would immediately be met with three objections: (1) As a result of the Civil War citizenship was given to Negroes born in the U.S., and they now have as much right to remain here as the Whites; (2) it would be monstrous cruelty to the Negroes to uproot and expel them; and (3) in any case the expense would be absolutely prohibitive.

In reply to the first, I would call attention to the incontrovertible fact that the Fourteenth Amendment, which is supposed to have given citizenship to our Negroes, was never legally ratified by three-fourths of the States of the Union, as required by the Constitution itself. David Lawrence, in an editorial entitled “The Worst Scandal In Our History,” published in U.S. News, Sept. 27, 1957 and republished Jan. 26, 1970, declared this fact to be established by “the undisputed record, attested by official journals, and the unanimous writings of historians.” He succinctly laid bare what the record was and quoted the judgment in regard to it as expressed by a number of historians in particular, conservative, “liberal,” distinguished and authoritative—W.E. Woodward, Morison and Commager, James Truslow Adams and Andrew McLaughlin. It would seem, therefore, that though today our Negroes are universally accepted as our fellow citizens, the plain fact is that, by the Constitution, legally and of right, they are not citizens, and that though it would still be possible to confer citizenship upon them, it is certainly the right of those who are citizens now to make their own welfare and that of our country the matter of paramount importance, and in the light of this to count our Negroes as aliens and to remove them from our shores, if we wish.

In reply to the second objection, I would ask whether the really great and ruinous cruelty to the Negro might not be his forced continuance here, where he can have no future worthy the name except as we accept free and full intermarriage with him, which in turn must destroy our own race, as it has every other that has ever tried the experiment. And then, why should it be looked upon as so cruel when so many millions of Negroes have manifested an eagerness to go to Africa?

The Negro Must Go or the White Man Dies

In any case, the White man in the U.S. is confronted with the grim dilemma: Remove the Negro or die! From this, there can be no escape. And no greater right is known to man than the right to save his own breed and his own civilization from destruction. In fact, the Jewish Moscow government, though neither the existence of that government nor the existence of the Communist movement was at stake, nevertheless, for the mere furtherance of both, not only moved millions of people from Sudetenland, the Baltic States, the Balkans, and other countries—to replace them with other human beings of totally different stock, but actually murdered, starved or otherwise killed a total of from 25 to 45 million people.47 Professor Carleton S. Coon, who is strictly a scientist, one of the greatest anthropologists living, and most emphatically not a propagandist, has said of the Russian Soviet Government:

“After the Germans had withdrawn from the Caucasus in World War II, several whole nations were killed off or deported, including the Volga Germans, the Chechen and Ingush in the Caucasus, the Crimean Tatars, and the Kalmucks.”

This, he says, was in furtherance of a policy of replacing “tribes and nations [which] were not becoming good soviets as rapidly as had been hoped,” and in order to “obliterate the native cultures where they conflicted with the Communist idea.” 48 Mankind Quarterly for October 1960 (p. 730) records that “the Soviet Government ordered the deportation of entire helpless minorities in southern European Russia.” The English jurist F.J.P. Veale, in his unanswered and unanswerable Advance To Barbarism, explains Soviet policy thus:

“The raison d’etre of a Communist government, according to Karl Marx, is to build up a proletarian system of society. When persons or classes of persons are found who cannot be fitted into such a society, they are ‘liquidated,’ that is to say, put to death. No more question of justice enters into the matter than when, for example, a botanist who is trying to establish a new variety of flower. . . by selecting specimens possessing the desired qualities, ruthlessly throws aside those specimens lacking those qualities. . . In this entirely passionless spirit, Lenin and Dzerzhinsky had eliminated the aristocratic and plutocratic classes of Czarist Russia together with tens of thousands of Orthodox bishops and priests after the Revolution of 1917. . . The great majority perished [simply] because they could not be assimilated by the new proletarian state then being created.” 49

These millions of people were murdered, with torture and by bullets in the back of the head, by firing squads, by mass starvation deliberately contrived. They were moved in unheated box cars in the dead of winter, or were forced onto the open roads with all their possessions abandoned except what they could carry on their backs. Thousands—even millions—of old and young and sick perished by the wayside.

In contrast to all this, such moving of Negroes as we propose, though to be sure, where necessary, it would have to be enforced, would be carried out with all possible humanity. Their way would be paid by our Government, they would be well fed and warmly housed, and be given a sizable lump sum of money to start them off on their new venture. That there would be hardship, especially emotional hardship, one must expect: millions of Negroes might feel that they were being torn from what had become their homeland, or at least, the home of their adoption. But however often we turn away from carrying out such a policy, we are always confronted with the awful warning: Do This Or Die.

Nevertheless, we find ourselves pursued by the tormenting reflection that though as a nation, and as a large division of the White race, we must die if we do not remove the Negroes from our soil, the expense would be absolutely beyond our means. The sheer cost of it would be prohibitive.

But I must raise the question whether such a notion will stand up under close rational examination. It seems undeniable that we have always had enough money for a war, even though in no war we have ever entered, has the whole quality and future of our life, let alone our very existence, been so at stake as it must be so long as the Negro remains in our midst. It is to be remembered, too, that the expense would be greatly mitigated by the fact that, at the same time, our tax bill for Negro “welfare,” “relief,” crime, and the like, would undergo a vast reduction. Also, the expense, whatever it might come to, would not fall upon us all at once but be spread out over at least twenty years. At the worst, therefore, the whole undertaking would certainly cost less than the billions of taxpayers’ money we have squandered on Foreign Aid, and probably even less than on our space program. A recent report in the U.S. News stated that in the past fifteen years our outlay for this last has come to 48 billion dollars.50 A like sum, divided among our five million Negro families (representing our 22 million Negro population), would provide about $11,000 per family, or $2,200 per individual. Spread out over 20 or 25 years, the allowance could be increased much beyond this. It would seem, therefore, that if we can afford billions to put a man or two on the moon, we could afford as much to ensure the most favorable conditions for the life of our entire people on the Earth, which after all is our natural, inescapable, and proper home.

That the obstacles to carrying out a policy of repatriation are indeed formidable, even to the point of being awesome, I am ready enough to allow. In fact, I am so aware of the befuddled and flabby state to which the American people have been reduced, that I am by no means optimistic that they will have the awareness and the realism to grasp the situation, or the firmness of mind and dogged determination necessary for mastering it. All I can do is to warn them—once again—that if we fail to remove all Negroes from our country—be the means what they may—it will be our death.

Our most glaring racial problem is the Negro. But our most critical racial problem is the Jew. Unless we master the Jew, he will see to it that we do not solve our problem with the Negro, for the simple reason that the evil the Negro can do is precisely one of the chief means the Jew has chosen, and is depending upon, to accomplish our destruction and remove us from his path. We must at last, therefore, come to grips with the Jew.


Chapter 19 Part A
Chapter 19 Part C
Chapter 19 Index
Chapter 19 Footnotes